This German federal election is crucial for Europe’s future. Angela Merkel’s successor has the choice of leading Europe toward more integration and strategic relevance or abetting its gradual, inexorable decline.
The Strategic Compass for the EU’s security and defence policy, to be adopted in 2022, must generate immediate action. The best way of ensuring that is to prepare new capability initiatives and, potentially, new operational engagements now, so that they can be launched simultaneously with the Strategic Compass. In that light, “the development of an initial-entry force as a pool of Member State forces that train and exercise together and are made available to the EU” (as summarised in an EEAS working paper), is one of the most promising ideas on the table. How to make it work?
The EU-US Summit on 15 June 2021 marked the beginning of a renewed transatlantic partnership and set an ambitious joint agenda for EU-US cooperation post-COVID-19. The new Biden administration offers the EU the opportunity to re-establish transatlantic relations, which reached their lowest point since World War II under the turbulent Trump administration, and to address the bilateral disputes and tensions that have emerged, partly as a result of Trump’s ‘America First’ policies. One of the key deliverables of the Summit was the establishment of the EU-US Trade and Technology Council (TTC). The TTC aims to deepen EU-US relations on trade and investment and to avoid new technical barriers to trade by cooperating on key policies such as technology, digital policy issues and supply chains. Despite the optimism in Brussels and Washington about renewing and strengthening transalantic cooperation, there are several challenges for EU-US cooperation. In the areas of trade, digital and climate in particular several differing views or outstanding disputes (most of them inherited by the Trump administration) will need to be addressed by the new TTC (the first meeting is scheduled on 29-30 September 2021) or other joint bodies. Only then will the EU and the US be able to deliver on the new ambitious transatlantic agenda. This paper will therefore discuss the key challenges and opportunities for EU-US cooperation in the three interrelated areas of trade, digital and climate. For each of these areas, the outcome of the June 2021 EU-US Summit will be discussed and the challenges and opportunities for delivering on the renewed transatlantic agenda will be analysed. Moreover, this paper will present several policy recommendations, for the TTC or on EU-US cooperation in general, on how to advance the transatlantic partnership.
The chaotic U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan has left European capitals skeptical about such missions and critical of American leadership. The debacle should lead to frank discussions about NATO’s role and the EU’s defense ambitions.
Many European leaders have long pushed for a bigger military role, one that is independent of the US-led NATO alliance.
The need for this increased military capability was recently made clear during the chaotic evacuations from Kabul airport.
European nations had to rely almost entirely on the US.
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen says the bloc needs the political will to stand on its own.
She says the EU should be able to deploy a military force without relying on the US or NATO.
But what is holding it back from achieving this goal?
Presenter: Nastasya Tay
Theresa Fallon – Director of Centre for Russia Europe Asia Studies
David DesRoches – Associate professor at National Defense University
Nicholas Whyte – International affairs strategist
In the second that just elapsed, over 116 terabytes of data were exchanged throughout the internet (1), an amount comparable to ten times that produced by the Hubble Space Telescope in one year.(2) Data has become an essential resource for economic growth, job creation and societal progress. It will ‘reshape the way we produce, consume and live’.(3)
On 21 April 2021, the European Commission (EC) released a regulatory framework to govern the use of artificial intelligence (AI) in European Union member states. The proposed rules, which are potentially several years away from formal adoption, are referred to in short form as the Artificial Intelligence Act and are now under consideration by the EU’s co-legislators, the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers.
The proposed legislation is a central feature in the bloc’s wide-ranging efforts to modernise its rulebook for the digital age. The fact that the EC has written a comprehensive policy on artificial intelligence before either China or the US, where most global AI research and development is occurring, suggests that it is attempting to influence the development of the technology by leveraging its regulatory expertise and the market power of member states. The EU is approaching the issue in a different manner than the US, which treats it in piecemeal fashion by deferring to several independent regulatory agencies, such as those responsible for finance, education or consumer goods, leaving the task of scrutinising products that use artificial intelligence within their competencies. In June 2021, Brussels and Washington announced the creation of a new forum, the EU–US Trade and Technology Council, to coordinate their positions on several issues, including artificial intelligence.